The National Intelligencer And Washington Advertiser

requisite to carry the above resolution into effect.

10th. Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be transmitted by the chairman of this meeting to the President of the United States, and the governor of this state, to the mayor of the borough of Norfolk, and to our fellow citizens of Georgetown and Beaufort; and generally, by publication, to the citizens of every district in the state.

11th. Resolved, That a committee of twenty-one members be appointed, to carry the above resolutions into effect, and that major John Ward, gen. Pinckney, Langdon Cheves, John Blake, major Robertson, Dr. David Ramsay, col. Roper, major House, major Pinckney, Thomas Lee, Peter Freneau, Thomas Somersall, John Johnson, jun. Felix Warley, John Dawson, jun. gen. Washington, col. Rutledge, Robert Howard, R. L. Simons, John Stoney, and Simon Magwood, constitute the committee for the above purpose.

The thanks of the assembly were unanimously tendered to the members of the former committee for their exertions, and for their well digested resolutions.

Also to the chairman of the meeting, the like thanks were rendered, for the spirited discharge of the duties of his office.

JOHN WARD, Chairman.

J. B. WHITE, Secretary.

FROM THE AURORA.

The following article was put into the hands of the editor by the author, and written in his hand writing. The object and intention of it every man of discernment will perceive, that it is an emanation of the spirit of the emperor of the penitentiary himself; and that Bollman is once more doomed to act an inferior character in the great tragic-comic farce. The writer has requested that our animadversions should not accompany it: the length of the article itself exacts from us what we should otherwise not have granted—we shall offer our remarks to-morrow.

To the Editor of the Aurora.

SIR,

So much has been said of my disclosures to the executive, respecting the pretended conspiracy of col. Burr, and they have recently been brought into notice by the counsel for the prosecution, against him in so extraordinary and unwarrantable a manner, that I think it incumbent on me to make a few observations on that subject, with a view of removing erroneous impressions which otherwise might prevail with regard to my character.

A few days after my arrival at New Orleans, in September last, letters were received in that town from general Wilkinson, then on the Sabine river, stating that hostilities with the Spaniards were unavoidable, that his next letter would bring the details of the 1st engagement, and that he hoped to give a good account of the Dons.

In consequence of this information, which occasioned considerable alarm, about three hundred men were dispatched from New Orleans, to proceed by land to the Sabine, to reinforce gen. Wilkinson. Some artillery was sent off by water to ascend the Red river for the same purpose, and two gun boats were ordered up the Mississippi, to be ready for an attack on Baton Rouge.

By what magic general Wilkinson, whose letter in so positive a manner, had announced hostilities as unavoidable, wrought such a change in the mind of the Spanish commander, who was at the head of fifteen hundred men, and actually invaded the territory of the U. S. as to make him subscribe to terms of accommodation which gen. Wilkinson has termed most humiliating, and to induce him to retreat 20 leagues beyond the ground in dispute—this general Wilkinson alone can explain!* The fact is, that to the astonishment of all the world, such an accommodation did take place, and that general Wilkinson suddenly arrived at N. Orleans, where he came, to use his own phrase, "to play the devil!"

When in the month of December, I was seized and arrested by order of general Wilkinson, but in the name of the U. S. and was forcibly transported. I left New Orleans under the impression that col. Burr, in consequence of the transmitted information to him of the hostile complexion of affairs on the frontiers, and of the supposed certainty of war, might find himself with a large body of volunteers, determined to push on towards Mexico, and whom perhaps it would be difficult to divert from that purpose, notwithstanding the unexpected pacific arrangements between the Spanish commander and general Wilkinson.

When I arrived at Charleston, Annapolis, and Washington, all the newspapers represented col. Burr as being at the head of 2000 men, and they were ringing at the same time with reports of his pretended treason.

These circumstances occasioned in my mind great indignation, with regard to the reports just mentioned, & great solicitude lest gen. Wilkinson's conduct and col. Burr's situation might lead to occurrences which col. Burr would deprecate, and which involuntarily would put him in the wrong.

I therefore requested an interview with the president of the U. S. for two decided objects. 1. To remove from his mind the false impressions he had received with regard to treason. 2. To endeavor to convince him that the interests of the U. S. would be best consulted by going to war with Spain, and giving countenance to the expedition which col. Burr had planned.

It appeared to me, that this step might do some good, could do no harm, and in my situation, ought to be attempted.

I saw the president, together with Mr. Madison, and having first, when questioned on that point, declared to the former that I had no personal motives for this interview, spoke to them to the effect just mentioned.

The day after the interview I received the following note from the president, the original of which, in his own hand writing, now remains in my possession:

"The communications which Doctor Bollman made yesterday to Thomas Jefferson were certainly interesting;—but they were too much for his memory. From their complexion and tendency, he presumes that Doctor Bollman would have no objection to commit them to writing, in all the details into which he went yesterday, and such others as he may have then omitted, Thomas Jefferson giving him his word of honor that they never shall be used against himself, and that the paper shall never go out of his hand.

January 25, 1807."

I immediately complied with the President's request, and considering the communication, in conformity with the tenor of his note, as strictly confidential, I had no motive to be unusually guarded or to weigh every expression with more than ordinary care.

The paper, containing nearly twenty pages, was hardly finished, when I immediately sent it to the President. I borrowed it from him some time afterwards when in prison, in order to take a copy, and then returned it!

The whole of it goes to the two points above mentioned, viz. to disprove treason, and to shew the expediency of war. It can give no other ideas to an unbiased reason, unless one or two expressions, improperly used, and for which the allowance ought to be made, that the English is not my native language, are singled out, are considered disconnected with what precedes and follows, and construed in a hostile manner.

The President had given his word and honor, that this paper should not be used against myself; yet on it was predicated the pretended necessity of a pardon for my personal safety. The attorney for the district in open court, when offering the patent of pardon, referred to it. Nay, when I indignantly refused that pardon, he reminded me of the horrors of an ignominious fate, in order, if possible, to change my determination! Is a paper not used against me, when, on account of its contents misunderstood, I am thus assailed with the tender of a badge of infamy? Is life in Mr. Jefferson's opinion all, and character and reputation, which alone can render it desirable nothing? The great inquest of the nation after hearing a variety of testimony, and particularly that of gen. Wilkinson, by an opinion nearly unanimous on my subject have absolved me from guilt! No indictment has been preferred against me, though they have indicted various gentlemen in different parts of the U. States. Was it then becoming the first magistrate of the union, whom I approached with some degree of confidence, who stood pledged not to use that confidence against myself, and with regard to whom neither my conduct nor my language have ever been unfriendly; was it becoming him in a measure to forestal the opinion of the grand jury and to stigmatise me as a pardoned criminal? The paper was never to get out of the President's hands—but it is now in the hands of the attorney for the Virginia district. On the 23d June, an occurrence of which the prints have taken no notice—the grand jury came into court. Their foreman stated that one of the witnesses had mentioned to him an important paper, written by another witness, which was in the possession of Mr. Hay, the attorney, and of which they wished the delivery. Mr. Hay replied, that this referred to my letter to the President, which was in his possession, but that he did not consider himself warranted to give it to the grand jury. He also declared it to be his own persuasion, that the paper was written in my own hand writing; it has further appeared, that he had occasioned gen. Wilkinson to read it. Through him he had brought what is falsely stated! to be its contents insidiously before the grand jury. Gen. Wilkinson, when before that body and of course on his oath, did assert that he saw the paper in Mr. Hay's hands; that it was my hand writing and my signature!

This measure, however, of the attorney, has not proved injurious to col. Burr. The contents of my letter even communicated to the grand jury, thro' such a channel of corruption and impurity, have had no influence on their decision. It is well understood that their indictment has arisen from a misconstrucion of the law of treason. From 20 to 30 unarmed men had assembled on Blennerhassett's island. They demeaned themselves peaceably but embarked in three boats and descended the river towards New Orleans. They were, with others, to proceed all the way thither in case of certain contingent and probable events, in order to be equipped for a further expedition but were to stop at the Washita, to effect a settlement, should those events not take place. This Fact and the False supposition that New Orleans, for the purposes mentioned, was to be occupied by Force, and was to be held by Force, until the party were ready for their enterprize—these are the grounds which, in their opinion, have warranted the indictment. A close investigation of the law and of the facts before a petty jury, with the advantage of testimony from both sides, will, ere long, correct that opinion. will remove every doubt with regard to col. Burr's patriotism and justify his views!

I have nothing to add except that, notwithstanding the ill treatment I have on this occasion received from the president of the United States, I should have forborne making these observations, If I had not been forced to it by considerations of self defence. I am inclined to believe that Mr. Jefferson has not been actuated by any ill will towards me His pardon was not intended to affect my character; he did not mean to forfeit his word of honor by transmitting my letter to him to Mr. Hay, but the injury I have sustained remains the same. The history of the pardon will have flown over Europe, and the impression of treachery to a friend—this more detestable, more odious crime than any infraction of the laws of the country, because essentially fraught with turpitude, will be blended with my name in the minds of many who may never see this letter. And if all this injury could be inflicted by Mr. Jefferson without ill will, merely from want of consideration under the disturbing influence of passion and resentment against col. Burr, notwithstanding his mature age, and the dignity of his station—it will amount to a strong proof at least, that I, in my humble sphere, and with a more youthful imagination, may have become enamored with the beautiful prospect of the emancipation of an enslaved kingdom—a project, which Mr. Jefferson himself approved of, and connived at when planned, not by col. Burr, but by Miranda—and that I may have engaged in it without meaning any harm to the U. States, or to their president.

But not only have I been injured by Mr. Jefferson himself, his agents and Confidants. from the secretary of state to his private secretary, and from him, still downwards to the attorney who represents him in the prosecution in Richmond, have on more than one occasion manifested hostility, and have been guilty towards me of glaring infractions of every rule of propriety and decorum. The secretary of state has detained letters directed to me, and has only given them up after I had accidentally discovered the fact, and when I urged them for their delivery. The private secretary has several times betrayed an unbecoming temper, and the attorney in particular, sheltering himself behind his privileges as counsel, and taking advantage of the peculiar delicacy of my situation at this moment, has treated me in open court with the most unprovoked, and therefore most abominable indecency. If this was mistaken zeal, arising from an extreme want of discernment and sound policy; if it was unauthorised by the President, and it is therefore not to be attributed to him—it will strongly remind him at least, that if some unfortunately wild heads, lately associated with col. Burr. should have blended their own incongruous, prepossessions and apparently treasonable ideas, with his honorable views, their guilt ought not rashly to be transferred to their principal.

Even the papers in the interest of government propagate on many subjects the most injurious falsehoods. Before the pardon came out, and before it was
Know that the President of the United States, in transmitting my letter to him for Mr. Hay, had violated his word of honor. No invectives appeared at first. But since the measure of the pardon has proved abortive and ridiculous, and since the fact of his breach of the word of honor can no longer be denied—their tone is changed. As usual I am abused, not for the wrong I did, but for the wrongs which have been committed upon me. They insinuate among other things, that at Washington I had obtained promises from Mr. Jefferson, and had agreed with him for a pardon; that I refused it at Richmond, in order to have a pretext for withholding testimony on the ground that it would criminate myself, though it is well known that such promise, such agreement, never took place, and that before the grand jury, during an examination of upwards of two hours, I answered, without a single exception, every question that was asked of me. Mr. William Duane, moreover, says, that I am indebted for my life to the benevolence of Mr. Jefferson. Sixteen of the first characters of Virginia, after hearing evidence, decided that there is no ground of accusation against me; but the Editor of the Aurora, without waiting any evidence, decides that I am indebted for my life to Mr. Jefferson's clemency!! When party spirit and passion go so far, it would be improper to remain silent, and should what I have said, in my defense, operate to the prejudice of Mr. Jefferson, or wound his feelings, it is not my fault.

ERICK BOLLMAN.

Remarks of the Aurora on the Foregoing.

It appears to me one of the necessary consequences of criminality that should, for the warning of others and the moral good of the world, take no step but such as is calculated to betray itself. When Bollman presented the article which we published yesterday, from the manner of his address, coupled with a declaration which he made in the hearing of the editor, in the district court of Richmond, that the communication of the treasonable projects of Burr, which he made to the executive, 'should be made public by him,' we expected that such was the paper he wrote for publication. After a perusal, however, we perceived, that the real purport of the paper offered, was only the offspring of that system which the unfortunate author of the treason has pursued towards the country, the public, the executive, the persons whom he deluded, and those whom he tried to delude. Instead of asserting his innocence or attempting to prove it by facts or evidence, Mr. Burr has endeavored to roll back upon the government by which his treason has been frustrated, and on 'the public officers who have been most active in defeating his treason, and on the public officers who have conducted the prosecution—odium and reproach and contumely. 'Like master like man!' as Burr has done so does Bollman. This unfortunate object of mercy, with a pardon registered in a court of law, issued upon the voluntary revelation of his own treason and the treason of the 'meaner spirits' by whom he was led; this is the man who comes forward to the public, with the expectation of making an impression on the public mind in favor of the man whom he has before betrayed, and of depreciating the character and conduct of the man to whose benevolence and good faith he owes his liberty and life. Was the disclosure made by this person before the district court in an extraordinary and unwarrantable manner—The manner was this: Mr. Hay, attorney for the district of Virginia, in discharge of his duty as public prosecutor, called the several witnesses for the public, to be sworn in open court on their passage to the grand jury. On Bollman being called, Mr. Hay stated that he conceived it to be his duty to inform the court in what situation Bollman stood as a witness. This Bollman had made important disclosures of Burr's plans, projects, and the means of accomplishing them, and in consequence thereof the President had issued a pardon; which pardon Bollman had first received, then returned, then said he would neither receive nor reject. In this situation, Bollman stood when he came into court, and Mr. Hay there tendered the pardon to him in open court, which Bollman refused, and thereupon the pardon was recorded in the court by the clerk thereof. Was this either an unwarrantable or an extraordinary manner of acting? Could any course be more fair and liberal? How could Mr. Hay omit to notice the pardon, or the cause of the pardon, when the man pardoned, was to be called as a witness, and appeared to temporise between his first revelations of the treason, and his later intercourse with his accused principal. The notice of the information given by Bollman to the executive, was rendered necessary then by Bollman himself, and what his own unprincipled conduct throughout had rendered unavoidable; for every act but that of the pardon, which rescued him from the gallows, were his own voluntary acts—he embarked in the treason with Burr, voluntarily—he went to New Orleans voluntarily—he opened his overtures to Wilkinson voluntarily—he was sent thence to Washington, indeed involuntarily: but without any solicitation or expectation on the part of the executive, he voluntarily proposed to reveal the plans, projects and means, by which Burr was to accomplish his treason. The executive, however he must detest the traitor was bound to hear the revelation of the treason: he condescended to let Bollman come into his presence, and to reveal at once the demonstration of his own criminal purposes, and the foreign aid which Burr was to receive, and had already received, and to which Bollman before his departure to New Orleans from Philadelphia, was privy and a participator. Here then we see this Bollman, who first embarks in a scheme of perfidy to the U. States, of which foreign powers were the aiders, and abettors, if not the original instigators—after, but not till after he is seized and transported from the proposed theatre of his perfidy, come forward with a new act of that very species of perfidy which he in his essay of yesterday affects to reprobate. Bollman says that a few days after his arrival at New Orleans in September last, advices were received from general Wilkinson, stating that he would chastise the Dons. Now the first question we would ask is, what has this to do with vindicating Bollman's character, which he professes to be the object of his essay? What has gen. Wilkinson's conduct or his threats on the Sabine, to do with Bollman's pardon, or his disclosures to the executive? But a more important question precedes these enquiries—how and for what end came Bollman to Orleans?—How came letters to be addressed to him in cypher, under the name of Henry Vindoourne? Why, possessed of all the knowledge concerning the perfidious intention of foreign powers against the U. S. did he go to New Orleans, endeavor to seduce the commander in chief of the army and have his very tender solicitudes for the U. S. and his ideas of the great necessity of a war with Spain unveiled, until he came prisoner to Washington city? Why did he keep the plans concealed, until they were frustrated? And for what purpose was it, after they were frustrated, that he requested an interview with the executive? It is ridiculous to say that he had no personal motives—he may deceive himself into the supposition that others will be deceived by him. But the other is the only one bitter! His concern in the plans—his being a principal emissary, his being taken in a situation that subjected him to be hanged as a spy—the very mercy of Wilkinson, which hanging his fate from a gibbet to a transportation by sea to Washington—his situation at Washington—the mode in which he made the application to the President—the very disclosure of the secret plans of Burr, and of the foreign resources from which Burr drew his funds, and his hopes, of establishing that empire, with which in or near the fiftieth year of his age, 'the more youthful imagination of Dr. Bollman, became enamored in the prospect of emancipating an enslaved kingdom.' (TO BE CONTINUED)